Calendar An icon of a desk calendar. Cancel An icon of a circle with a diagonal line across. Caret An icon of a block arrow pointing to the right. Email An icon of a paper envelope. Facebook An icon of the Facebook "f" mark. Google An icon of the Google "G" mark. Linked In An icon of the Linked In "in" mark. Logout An icon representing logout. Profile An icon that resembles human head and shoulders. Telephone An icon of a traditional telephone receiver. Tick An icon of a tick mark. Is Public An icon of a human eye and eyelashes. Is Not Public An icon of a human eye and eyelashes with a diagonal line through it. Pause Icon A two-lined pause icon for stopping interactions. Quote Mark A opening quote mark. Quote Mark A closing quote mark. Arrow An icon of an arrow. Folder An icon of a paper folder. Breaking An icon of an exclamation mark on a circular background. Camera An icon of a digital camera. Caret An icon of a caret arrow. Clock An icon of a clock face. Close An icon of the an X shape. Close Icon An icon used to represent where to interact to collapse or dismiss a component Comment An icon of a speech bubble. Comments An icon of a speech bubble, denoting user comments. Comments An icon of a speech bubble, denoting user comments. Ellipsis An icon of 3 horizontal dots. Envelope An icon of a paper envelope. Facebook An icon of a facebook f logo. Camera An icon of a digital camera. Home An icon of a house. Instagram An icon of the Instagram logo. LinkedIn An icon of the LinkedIn logo. Magnifying Glass An icon of a magnifying glass. Search Icon A magnifying glass icon that is used to represent the function of searching. Menu An icon of 3 horizontal lines. Hamburger Menu Icon An icon used to represent a collapsed menu. Next An icon of an arrow pointing to the right. Notice An explanation mark centred inside a circle. Previous An icon of an arrow pointing to the left. Rating An icon of a star. Tag An icon of a tag. Twitter An icon of the Twitter logo. Video Camera An icon of a video camera shape. Speech Bubble Icon A icon displaying a speech bubble WhatsApp An icon of the WhatsApp logo. Information An icon of an information logo. Plus A mathematical 'plus' symbol. Duration An icon indicating Time. Success Tick An icon of a green tick. Success Tick Timeout An icon of a greyed out success tick. Loading Spinner An icon of a loading spinner. Facebook Messenger An icon of the facebook messenger app logo. Facebook An icon of a facebook f logo. Facebook Messenger An icon of the Twitter app logo. LinkedIn An icon of the LinkedIn logo. WhatsApp Messenger An icon of the Whatsapp messenger app logo. Email An icon of an mail envelope. Copy link A decentered black square over a white square.

Chris Deerin: Green policies are hindering not helping Scotland

Scottish Greens co-leader Lorna Slater makes a speech during a protest against Russia's invasion of Ukraine in front of Edinburgh's Russian Consulate (Photo: Ewan Bootman/Shutterstock)
Scottish Greens co-leader Lorna Slater makes a speech during a protest against Russia's invasion of Ukraine in front of Edinburgh's Russian Consulate (Photo: Ewan Bootman/Shutterstock)

Even before she became Germany’s foreign minister in this time of fundamental global crisis, Annalena Baerbock was displaying uncommon steel and farsightedness.

Last August, with Angela Merkel preparing to stand down as president, Baerbock called on her country to throw off its reliance on Russian energy, and also to toughen its stance on China. The EU should apply sanctions to the assets of individuals connected to Vladimir Putin, she said, and impose duties on state-backed Chinese imports.

She accused Merkel and other senior politicians of being too soft on Moscow, especially in their almost unanimous support for the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. “Some seem to prefer to close their eyes to reality and hope that it won’t be so bad,” said Baerbock. “That usually doesn’t work when it comes to Russia.”

So we’ve learned, and the Ukraine crisis has since seen Nord Stream 2 bite the dust and stiff sanctions imposed on Putin’s allies. The notable thing beyond Baerbock’s foresight, though, is the fact that she is a Green. And it is the contrast with poor old Scotland’s lamentable version of that party that concerns me today.

Scottish Greens’ teenage humphiness continues

Last week, as International Women’s Day was marked, Baerbock gave a speech in which she said that “women often face […] blatant sexism. Women also face online harassment and hate speech to a much higher extent than men. Around the world, women face not only stigmatisation but also exclusion and abuse. One in three women worldwide has experienced physical or sexual violence by a partner or a stranger. We cannot and must not accept that.”

German minister of foreign affairs, Annalena Baerbock (Photo: Dumitru Doru/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)

This would seem the appropriate focus for such a moment, but Lorna Slater, the Scottish Greens’ co-leader and a minister in Nicola Sturgeon’s coalition government, chose the same week to argue that the position taken by JK Rowling and many more Scottish women on women’s rights and the gender debate could “put trans lives at risk”.

It was only the latest incendiary and tin-eared intervention by a party that has taken the most extreme position on gender and that has repeatedly attacked those with a different opinion.

This intolerance fuels the bitterness on both sides and makes a workable solution all the harder to reach. The Scottish Greens’ move into government office has done nothing to moderate their teenage humphiness.

SNP and Greens are tied together for no good reason

Slater also took the opportunity, while world leaders were spending every waking hour dealing with Putin’s war and his threats of potential nuclear escalation, to reaffirm her party’s opposition to Nato. “The Scottish Greens have a philosophical objection to Nato on the basis it is this first-strike nuc-u-lar capability,” she told an interviewer. “Global armageddon is not worth the risk.”

All the two parties really have in common is a desire for Scottish independence, but there will be no referendum in this parliament

You may think that Nato’s careful avoidance of engaging directly with Putin in order to avoid just such a nuclear confrontation – and the fact that it is Russia that is threatening a first strike – would give her pause for thought.

Scottish Greens co-leaders, Lorna Slater (left) and Patrick Harvie (Photo: Ewan Bootman/NurPhoto/Shutterstock)

She might have thought that issuing a plaintive cry for a world without “nuc-u-lar” weapons in the current climate was both a waste of breath and lacking in seriousness, especially for a government minister. She might at least have considered the context and tempered her rhetoric. But no.

Nicola Sturgeon has tied herself to the Scottish Greens for what now appears to be no good reason. All the two parties really have in common is a desire for Scottish independence, but there will be no referendum in this parliament.

Meanwhile, the economic climate is deteriorating fast, we face years of hostility and adaptation on the international stage, grave new challenges on the energy front, difficult choices in terms of taxation and state spending, and will have to rely heavily on the private sector to innovate us out of the hole. Somehow, we will have to manage it all while pursuing the path to net zero.

Green Party incapable of adapting to reality or change

Through all of this, the SNP will, by choice, be in bed with a party that is opposed to economic growth and Nato, is openly hostile to business, and that takes an unrealistic yet uncompromising approach to tackling climate change.

It has shown itself incapable of adapting to reality or change, and its hard line on oil and gas has already forced Sturgeon – foolishly, in my view – to rule out the North Sea as a potential short-term, emergency answer to the energy crisis.

First Minister Nicola Sturgeon (centre) welcomes Scottish Green co-leaders Patrick Harvie and Lorna Slater at Bute House in Edinburgh, following their government ministerial appointments (Photo: PA)

Last week, the SNP’s former energy secretary Fergus Ewing said publicly what many nationalist politicians are saying privately: “I can’t say that I’m a great enthusiast for the policies of the Green Party that do seem to me to be somewhat extreme. Particularly the policy of sacrificing the people in our oil and gas industry. We should be praising and thanking them, not saying that they should get their P45s tomorrow.”

There are P45s due, right enough, but only to rid Scotland of these pestilent Greens and restore some dignity to the heart of our government.


Chris Deerin is a leading journalist and commentator who heads independent, non-party think tank, Reform Scotland